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Chaque Dimanche allez vous detendre au Club Bazilique a City Limit Randolph ancien local de Copa Grande.Admission $10 .Pour info 617 504 1723.Merci

Ecoutez Radio Concorde now on Audio Now  213 9924329


La série clôture du championnat haïtien professionnel de Digicel a débuté weekend dernier, le champion en titre, l'América des Cayes a

raison (2-0) du Racing FC de Gonaïves en déplacement et le Don Bosco en a profité pour gagner ses trois points en battant (1-0) à Léogane le Cavaly AS à la première journée de ce championnat local.

 

Cinq matches ont été disputés lors de cette première journée pour 3 nuls et 2 victoires et 7 buts inscrits.

Comme le championnat se joue avec 11 clubs, le Violette AC a été exempt de cette journée.

Voici les résultats de la première journée

1.-Cavaly AS (Léogâne) – Don Bosco FC (Pétion-Ville): 0-1 Benchi Estama 51' (pen)

2.-Tempête FC (Saint-Marc) – Petit-Goâve FC : 0-0

3.-Aigle Noir AC (Port-au-Prince) – Racine FC (Gros-Morne) : 1-1 Loubert Charles (Rac) et Stanley Louis 90’ (Anac).

4.-AS Mirebalais – Baltimore SC (Saint-Marc) : 1-1 Terson Philippe (Bal) et Frantz Pierre (ASM)

5.-Racing FC (Gonaïves) – América FC (Cayes) : 0-2 Judson Eliscar et Géel Pierre

Après avoir perdu en amical (0-1) face au Chili, à Miami, la sélection nationale masculine senior disputera la seconde phase de la Coupe Caraïbe des nations 2014 considérée aussi pour les éliminatoires de la Gold Cup 2015 et se retrouve dans le groupe 8. Ce tour se déroulera au stade Sylvio Cator du 6 au 13 Octobre prochain. 

Haïti affrontera la Barbade, la Guyane et les Saint-Kitts & Nevis à cette deuxième phase des éliminatoires de la Coupe Caraïbe des Nations après un tirage au sort de la CFU.

Les 2 meilleures équipes de chaque groupe seront qualifiées et rejoindront la Jamaïque et Cuba pour la phase finale qui aura lieu à la Jamaïque du 10 au 18 novembre prochain.

Selon les responsables, le vainqueur de cette groupe se qualifiera directement pour la Copa América Centenario qui se fera aux USA en 2016 avec la participation de 16 pays dont 6 de la CONCACAF.

Voici les groupes :

Groupe 7, A Trinidad: Trinidad & Tobago, Antigua & Barbuda, Sainte Lucie et République Dominicaine.

Groupe 8, En Haïti: Haïti, Barbade, Guyane et Saint-Kitts et Nevis

Groupe 9, Au Guadeloupe: Guadeloupe, Curaçao, Martinique et Saint Vincent et Grenadines.


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What Charlie Baker and Martha Coakley need to do to win

 

Massachusetts may be familiar with the gubernatorial candidates, but they will be running in an increasingly transforming political landscape.

Massachusetts voters, brace yourselves. It’s going to be a gubernatorial race like no other.

Sure, the candidates will be retreads.

Charlie Baker, the Republican who flopped in his 2010 attempt to unseat Deval Patrick, is back, trying to remake the harsh image he presented four years ago.

Martha Coakley, the two-term attorney general whose near career-ending loss to Scott Brown in the 2010 US Senate race was followed by a remarkable political rebirth, is back too — facing a huge task in convincing the state’s unwieldy Democratic coalition to rally to her candidacy.

But the two major party nominees will be running in an increasingly transforming political landscape. The 2014 gubernatorial race will be the first major state election since a US Supreme Court ruling allowed for the huge expansion of the influence of super PACs.

The campaign will also see an ever more sophisticated political use of social media, a burgeoning 21st-century campaign reality that Democrats have developed and Republicans are quickly adopting.

If Coakley and Baker intend to win in November, here’s what they need to do.

Coakley’s agenda

Coakley’s immediate task is to rally the Democratic coalition that has kept Massachusetts an overwhelming blue state for decades. The only serious exception to that trend has been voters’ penchant to elect moderate Republican governors. And Coakley is facing that political dynamic as she takes on Baker, who fits the GOP profile that independents and moderate Democrats have supported in the past — similar to Bill Weld, Paul Cellucci, and the early versions of Mitt Romney.

It will not be easy. The pre-primary polling, showing her far ahead of Democratic rival Steve Grossman, did her no favors. Her closer-than-expected victory stirred the lingering anguish that the Democrats still feel about her loss to Brown.

It’s doubtful she can stoke the sort of high passion that candidates such as Patrick and Elizabeth Warren did to energize Democrats and independents in recent campaigns. Instead, she will have to depend a lot more on the Democratic machine and its allies to get her across the line.

Those bad memories of her 2010 Senate race were evident in the primary. She performed poorly at the June party convention dominated by party activists, losing the endorsement to Grossman. Surveys showed that a troubling number of Grossman voters will likely defect to Baker in the general election. Even some of third-place Democratic candidate Don Berwick’s liberal supporters are expected to take a serious look at the GOP nominee.

Many of the political insiders, the “old boy’’ network as Coakley calls it, may be more inclined to sit the election out or even quietly back Baker. The threshold issue for them is that they are not convinced she is competent. It is critical that she dispel that notion.

In her favor, Coakley, as her party’s gubernatorial nominee, now has the bully pulpit to rally the Democratic base and wipe clean the painful 2010 loss that left her looking wimpy and inarticulate. She has accomplished some of that re-imaging, having easily won reelection as attorney general after the Senate loss, and has since convinced some major constituencies in the party that she has the political gut to win in November.

But she slid through a sleepy primary campaign without much pressure on her to lay out a clear agenda or show the sort of political muscle it will take to beat Baker.

With a lot more voter and media attention, Coakley must forcefully make the case for her candidacy. She needs to show she is in command of the issues, present a strong public profile, and articulate a vision of where she wants to take the state.

With the chance to be the first elected female governor, she has a built-in advantage over Baker. Women increasingly dominate the voting population. But she has to be careful not appear to be counting on women to put her in the corner office. Her success will depend on her cobbling together a broad coalition of Democrats.

At the same time, she can’t let Baker dominate the debate with his campaign themes of fiscal responsibility, reforming state government, and bringing good management to bungling state bureaucracies.

Her campaign and Democratic allies can effectively define him as a Republican, a toxic brand in Massachusetts. But one line of attack — the successful efforts by Democrats four years ago to paint him as an aloof, wealthy corporate elite — may be harder to make stick. With some success already, Baker has emerged this election year intent on showing a kinder and gentler version of himself.

Coakley will also have to run against the backdrop of several serious Democratic missteps and scandals, among them corruption in the state Probation Department; mismanagement of the Health Connector, the state’s online insurance marketplace; the Patrick administration’s fumbling of the rollout of medical marijuana clinics; and a dysfunctional child welfare agency.

Baker’s challenge

Baker’s best road to the corner office is his theme that he can apply his public and private sector managerial skills to a state government reeling from what he charges is Democratic mismanagement. His argument that his fiscal and economic policies are better than the Democrats’ in creating jobs and a robust state economy will play well with conservatives and moderates. He will also hit some hot button topics — opposing tax hikes, particularly the automatic gas tax hike plan, and outlining reforms for the state’s welfare system and Probation Department.

But perhaps his most effective argument will be the theme that worked so well for the Weld, Cellucci, and Romney candidacies: that he will be a check on the heavy Democratic grip on the state Legislature. Weld, who remains popular, is expected to play a very visible role in the fall campaign.

Baker’s vulnerability is both his tendency to come across as an argumentative know-it-all (a younger, more brash Baker could easily get into a policy argument just standing in a doughnut line) and the fact that he is a Republican.

He can display his better nature, but it will be tough to run from the GOP mantel. His controversial $10,000 donation to Governor Chris Christie’s New Jersey GOP — the subject of a ongoing pay-to-play inquiry — is likely to be thrown in his face. He has heaped praise on Christie, an unpopular figure among Democrats, who chairs the Republican Governors Association, a major funder for the Baker candidacy.

Since he announced his candidacy a year ago, Baker has so far been effective in modulating his image, coming across as the cheery, back-slapping campaigner. He is surrounding himself with women, who were turned off by his campaign four years ago. He is highlighting his moderate to liberal positions on social issues, particularly abortion and gay marriage, far more than in 2010, and sounding a good deal more environmentally sensitive.

But he faces serious tactical hurdles. The Democratic powerbrokers and various factions may not be happy with Coakley, but they are intent on blocking Baker from the governor’s office. Those forces are formidable and experienced, hugely overshadowing anything the Republicans can muster for Baker other than raising money.

He is also up against an incumbent Democratic governor, Patrick, still stewing over some of Baker’s tactics in the 2010 race, intent on making sure he doesn’t turn over the keys of the governor’s office to the Republican nominee. Patrick remains personally popular and is one of the best voices on the campaign trail the state has ever seen. His performance at Coakley’s election night party this week showed he has shed his previous reluctance to engage in negative campaigning as he threw roundhouse punches at Baker.

With unions and other Democratic friendly groups ready to finance ads for Coakley and attack him, Baker needs the Republican Governors Association badly. It has already spent several million dollars promoting him and attacking Coakley. But the association has not made Massachusetts a high priority for the general election — a troubling prospect for Baker.

Baker and his strategists also have to deal with some effective, although not entirely accurate, attacks from the Democrats and Coakley, who are already hitting him on several fronts: his misstep in declaring that the US Supreme Court decision on the Hobby Lobby case didn’t matter in Massachusetts, a statement he had to quickly revise; his involvement with the Big Dig; and his management of Harvard Pilgrim Health Care.

 

 

 

 

 
La Congresswoman Maxine Waters, préoccupée par la situation politique du pays et le mandat d'arrêt contre l’ancien président Aristide a appelé le secrétaire d'État John Kerry à intervenir "pour éviter une confrontation inutile et dangereux et veiller à ce que le chaos ne règne pas en Haïti."

 
 

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